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Historical science describes social existence above all— but not exclusively— from that view ­ point.

The existence o f human societies and their groups is continuous, which does not imply, however, that the history o f a com m unity lacks im portant or less im portant events, or that certain com m unities do not em erge, prosper and decline, or even disappear. The prim ary role o f historical science is to reconstruct the stories o f socie­ ties.

Naturally, m yriads o f points o f view and m ethods are available in this reconstruction process which will nevertheless always bring about abstraction and the highlighting o f significant elem ents and relations, or those held to be significant.

M oreover, reconstruction is always reduction too, for it does not describe every single event, but m erely some o f them.

In the course o f reconstruction, historical science nevertheless seeks to allow for as many conclusions as possible regarding things that it does not and cannot de­ scribe— deductible from the few things that it can describe. A great m any viewpoints and methods are available in the reconstruction o f history, but because it is im possible to sim ultaneously take contradicting viewpoints into consideration only com plem enting onesit is expected o f a historian to m ake his own viewpoints or system o f viewpoints clear in the introduction o f his work.

This book focuses on a certain category o f people, to be defined below.

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Above all, it examines how that people was formed. It wishes to concentrate research on the formation and transform ation o f the people, not on origin.

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To this end, it draws caravane pliante suisse anti aging all the data contained in the sources, and if it becomes unavoidable, it m akes up for the lack o f sources with close analogies. It regards the form ation o f the people as a lengthy his­ torical process, and examines it in the very context o f w orld history which the form ation o f that people was itself part of.

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In the case o f the Hungarians, 4 Methodological introduction and the sources this m eans, prim arily European, m ore specifically C entral and Eastern E uro­ pean history; one cannot, however, disregard the Eurasian steppe or the non-European parts o f the M editerranean, owing to the fact that the form er saw m ajor m igrations, and the latter the expansion o f the M uslim world.

Conventionally, history is divided into two large periods.

The first period covers the tim e from w hich no w ritten sources have com e dow n to us, hence it is only reconstructible with the ráncos ajakkrém o f indirect— non-w ritten— sources. This period is conventionally called proto-history.

However, the only argu­ m ents to support this bipartite division o f history seem to be convention and practicality.

The historical processes them selves are unlikely to change m erely because records are m ade o f themor o f certain elem ents o f them.

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Further­ m ore, classifying a phase in the history o f a people as proto-history on the grounds that no written records o f it exist, will not change the events o f the past even if such w ritten sources are later discovered. Naturally, our know l­ edge about that phase will change, but then, the discovery o f non-w ritten sources can also change our knowledge. For w ant o f better expressions, I m y self tend to use thembut they are hardly adequate.

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H ungar­ ian proto-history is generally held to have ended in the 9th century AD— at a tim e w hen other, neighbouring peoples had long since entered their period o f w ritten history. The use o f technical term s is not, o f course, especially im portant. The tw o questions regarding ancient H ungarian history are, then: w hen did it begin and w hen did it end?

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One can now give an answer, bearing in m ind that this classification is, in effect, auxiliary rather than rudim entary. The closest answers we can get are by clarifying w hose history w e are talking about, that is, who the subject o f this historical process is.

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B ut to set some kind o f tim e lim it for our discussions before focusing on the details, we should establish at the outset that the history o f the M agyars began w hen they becam e a people proper. A nything before that will be considered the prehistory o f the M agyars.

As the following chapter will point out, that is not a simple question either. Several events can m ark the end o f the ancient history o f the M agyars, one o f them being the conquest o f the C arpathian Basin, the other the founding o f the Hungarian state.

Clearly, the elem ents o f statehood date back to pre-C onquest times, and the Caravane pliante suisse anti aging onquest w as a m ajor step tow ards the founding o f a state. It is also clear that, as regards the founding o f state, the coronation o f Saint Stephen was, above all, a sym bolical and legal act and an Introduction 5 outstanding event in setting up the state, but naturally the developm ent o f statehood did caravane pliante suisse anti aging stop there.

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A fter explicit and m anifold deliberation, one can establish that caravane pliante suisse anti aging Hungarian history lasted from the M agyars becom ing a people proper to the founding o f the Hungarian state, the date o f which is associated with the sym bolic and legal event o f the coronation o f Saint Stephen in A Din fact on the first o f January, We use words to denote concepts and technical terms: and those words have m eaning and usage.

Pertaining to the signifier i. This is im portant to establish, because the sam e w ord m ay be used differently according to the period and the context. One o f the m ost com m on m istakes in the use o f technical term s is to project the m odem m eaning and the rules o f usage o f a word back to a period when the concept denoted by that word either did not exist yet, or both w ord and concept existed, but the word had a different m eaning and different rules o f usage.

Unfortunately, no real distinction is m ade betw een the technical term s people and nation. Actually, what we call people today w as different then, and w hat w e call nation today did not exist. Social groups, as w ell as the nam e o f those groups, have a history o f their own, yet the two are by no m eans necessarily identical. Here are some examples: if a statistician takes a population census nepszam lalashe m ust provide him self a definition o f w hat he is about to count.

If a literary scholar sets out to study Hungarian populist writers nepi irokhe is focusing on som ething quite different than the expert o f econom ic geography who will delve into the issues o f depopu­ lation {elnёptelenedёs. W hen a historian studies the m igration o f peoples 6 Methodological introduction and the sources nepvcindorldshe has a quite different notion o f people than a psychologist who concerns him self with the problem s o f popularity nepszeruseg.

But an ethnographer neprajzos is also looking at som ething different, depending w hether he opts for the traditional approach, or takes up a m odern one.

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In the form er case he will exam ine the m edia o f peasant culture, while in the latter he will m ake his subject com m unities o f any profession, definable by com m on custom s and culture. Taken from the Hungarian language, the above exam ples attest to the fact that even the various sciences tend to use term s differently. And as one shifts from the m ore rigorous caravane pliante suisse anti aging to the realm o f everyday language, the m eaning o f technical expressions really fades, and the bounda­ ries o f usage rules dissolve.

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W hat this caravane pliante suisse anti aging is that such term s cannot be applied, or they cannot be used to develop theories. The m ajority o f scientific debates are a hopeless drift o f words, due to the lack o f consensus regarding the concepts and the words denoting concepts.

There are two ways to resolve the situation. Either som e kind o f definition is created w hich the users o f the expression agree on: here and now, in this book, in this science, or at this m eeting we define, for instance, the word people thus. Or, alternatively, one m ay attem pt to avoid polysem ous words, and introduce a scientific term. It is undoubtedly m ore convenient to introduce the Greek word ethnos, although virtually disregarding w hat the w ord once m eant in A thens, or how the Greeks them selves used it in the tim e o f A lexander the Great.

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W hat justifies the latter procedure is that our conclusions will be influenced less by the use o f a Greek word than the history, m eaning and usage o f a proposed word o f a present-day language. However, nothing exempts us from defining the m eaning we denote ethnos. And once we have defined it, we are free to affirm that we shall be using the word people the same way in this context.

The term ethnos and the word people — as a technical term— will hereafter be considered identical.

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The first will be used in a theoretical context, the other in the narrative sections. Ethnos, or, in context, people, w ill mean a historically evolved group with a common semiotic system, whose members consciously distinguish them­ selves from other ethnic entities, and which possesses a permanent self-des­ ignation.

O f all sem iotic systems, language is the m ost im portant. The reason why ethnos is not defined as being a group with a com m on language am ong others is not m erely because people and language m ust be distinguished from one another.